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NB : Pour lire l’intégralité des articles, voir ci-contre la rubrique Téléchargements.
1. GIUSEPPE PIPITONELe epistole in prosa premesse al corpus poetico di Optaziano Porfirio – p. 1-12. Abstract: The article proposes the analysis about some passages of the two prose letters which precede Optatianus Porfyrius’ poetry corpus, in order to clear their aims up and to show the links between them and the poetics expressed by the inventor of uersus intexti poetry. 2. GIANLUCA VENTRELLANote critico-testuali all’Olimpico (or. 12) di Dione di Prusa – p. 13-35. Abstract: This paper aims to propose a new strategy of approach for Dio Chrysostom’s Olympic Discourse (or. 12), whose constitutio textus, in spite of the numerous editions and studies from which the speech has benefited in the recent years, continues to raise strong doubts and perplexities. The new exegetical hypotheses and textual conjectures proposed in the present study illustrate the need to reconsider the ecdotic principles adopted for the text in question until now. 3. NUNZIO BIANCHIAchille Tatius édité et inédit au XVIe siècle – p. 37-65. Abstract: The first readers of Achilles Tatius in Western Europe were the Renaissance scholars who read this novelist in manuscripts. Before the Greek text was printed (1601),Leucippe and Clitophon appeared in Latin, and in other modern languages (into Italian, English, and French). In 1544 Achilles Tatius was published anonymously and without books I-IV in a Latin version by Annibale Della Croce: this version was made from a manuscript containing the only last four books, that seems to agree with MS 1197 of St Catherine on Sinai (which was written by the Cretan scholar Zacharias Calliergis and belonged to the learned man Giovan Battista Rasario). Then the first complete version was printed in 1551 by Francesco Angelo Coccio, Achilles Tatius’ first translator into a modern language. By mid-century other scholars attempted to publish Achilles Tatius’ novel but without success (Fulvio Orsini, Henri Estienne). Furthermore, before the Greek text was printed, a few selected passages drawn from Achilles Tatius were printed in Longus’ editio princeps (1598) by Raffaele Colombani. 4. PATRICK ROBIANOL’adresse aux Sévères dans Sur le Destin d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise et la Cynégétique du Pseudo-Oppien – p. 67-91. Abstract: This paper proposes to read in a parallel way two contemporary works, On fate of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Pseudo-Oppian’s Cynegetica dedicated, the former to Septimius Severus and Caracalla, the later to Caracalla, in order to show how both authors adopt a complex and paradoxical strategy regarding to their dedicatees. So, the present paper aims at highlighting the influence of the male members of the Severan dynasty. 5. MARILENA CASELLAAbusi, terrore, violenza. Qualche esempio di ‘disfunzionamento’ della giustizia nel IV sec. d.C. – p. 93-114. Abstract: With all the rhetorical amplification of some formulas, realism and accuracy of the testimony by the rhetor Libanius of Antioch on the arbitrary administration of justice by the governors of Syriac metropolis impress the mark of cruelty upon the judicial practice of the time: tortures to wrest confessions or testimonies distinguished themselves by their unusual brutality. The study of the criminal justice system leads to a sociological analysis, although the juridical and social status was losing importance in light of the gravity of the crimen. 6. GIANLUIGI TOMASSIOsservazioni sull’uso del proverbio in Alcifrone – p. 115-139. Abstract: Proverbs have always been considered an immediate mode of expression that encouraged intimacy and directness. In the second and third centuries CE, the writers of the Second Sophistic were fascinated by proverbs and used them very often. They considered the use of proverbs as a feature belonging to letters. The epistolographer Alciphron used proverbs more often than other prose-writers of his age to try to imitate the language and thought of fourth-century BCE Athenian society, in order to give his letters a more authentic character. He was great in the manipulation of the proverbial expressions and in his conscious use of proverbs in the most elegant Attic dialect. 7. VALÉRIE FAUVINET-RANSONL’éloge du lac de Côme par Cassiodore (Variae XI, 14) : lieux communs, réécriture, échos littéraires (Pline, Ammien Marcellin, Faustus, Ennode) – p. 141-173. Abstract: Under the pretext of detailing how the ostrogoth king exempted the possessores of Como of the obligation to provide additional horsepower for mail coaches, Cassiodorus wrote a beautiful text in praise of the lake, brought to fame by Pliny. As often with Variae, literary echoes abound, though in a discreet form. As all panegyrics, the text is also replete with topoi, some of them very ancient : for instance the theme of a river that runs through the lake without mixing with its waters can be traced back to Greek sources. The same topos is found in a text by Ennodius from Pavia in the sixth century AD, a blame of the lake written in response to another text by senator Faustus Niger, which extolled the lake and has been lost. Cassiodorus’s praise was obviously written in keeping with that literary context. It may also echo Ammianus Marcellinus’s descriptions of lake Geneva being run through by the Rhone river, and lake Constance by the Rhine. 8. ARIANE BODINLe problème de la contagion païenne : les questions de Publicola à Augustin (Lettre 46) – p. 175-201. Abstract: Between 395 and 399, Augustine of Hippo responded to a letter sent to him by Publicola, a layman who wrote him on issues of pollution through contact with pagans. Publicola listed eighteen different ways in which a Christian may be contaminated by pagans, whether through sacrifiicial pollution or through contact with a defiled pagan. Publicola asked Augustine if he would be considered a sinner if he has relationships with the pagans. The letter demonstrates the strong influence of the clerical recommendations against pagan pollution. Augustine answered Publicola that his way of thinking was rare or outdated, stating that he did not share these concerns. But most of his questions deal with real concerns widely disseminated through texts written by the Church Fathers from the third century, such as Tertullian or Cyprian of Carthage.The letter gave rise to a long and vigorous discussion, having been an important landmark in French historiography. Most historians who have interpreted this letter have severely critiqued Publicola, describing him as crazy or neurotic and probably inspired by the answer of Augustine, who voluntarily downplays Publicola’s description of the situation. Augustine of Hippo, however, does not appear to reflect correctly the reality of the context. On the one hand, the widespread clerical opinion stated it was dangerous for a Christian to socialize with pagans and this is the heart of Publicola’s questions. On the other hand, the questions of Publicola are no hapax, as the Duabus animabus and theContra Faustum of Augustine showed. I will argue that Publicola is not the narrow-minded Christian that he has long been described. The goal of this paper is to demonstrate that the letter demonstrates the cultural influences of a late-antique Christian honestior. 9. JACQUELINE ASSAËLLe sens du verbe ΚΑΠΗΛΕΥΕΙΝ dans la Deuxième Épître aux Corinthiens 2, 17 ou la parole de Dieu comme un article de luxe – p. 203-217. Abstract: In the verse 2, 17 of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, Paul refers to the activity of the others evangelists with a participle: καπηλεύοντες. The translations of this expression are a little different according to the versions of the Bible available today, for the corresponding noun can have several connotations and simply designate a small retailer, or a trickster who cheats his customers. The relationship with the word εἰλικρίνεια, which appears in 17b, can throw a light on the meaning of this word καπηλεύοντες in this context. Actually, εἰλικρίνεια does not define a moral category of sincerity, but an absolute value, in the field of spirituality. The text reveals that Paul is different from the others preachers of the Word because he directly accesses to the producer who provides his goods, that is to say God, and so the spirit of his high-end product is not evaporated or diluted, as would occur when arriving in a small shop at the end of a commercial chain. 10. TIPHAINE MOREAUJulien et la croix : un anti-Constantin – p. 219-271. Abstract: This study intends to investigate a peculiar aspect of Christian historiography in the 4th and 5th centuries Roman Empire : the scenery of a confrontation between Emperor Julian and the sign of the cross. Contrary to Constantine’s figure as magnified in the Ecclesiastical Histories of the 4th and 5th centuries, by staging a discovery of the monogram of Christ and the relic of the True Cross, Julian was darkened with the dramatization of a duel between the apostate emperor and his uncle’s emblem (Gregory of Nazianzus, Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret). Thus, it is possible to draw up a connected analysis between the « golden legend » and the « black legend » that took form about Constantine and Julian immediately after their death. 11. GIAMPIERO SCAFOGLIOLa problematica filologica dell’ Ordo urbium nobilium di Ausonio – p. 273-288. Abstract: Ausonius’ Ordo urbium nobilium has been transmitted by the manuscripts V (the main exemplar of the family x) and PH (representative of the family y), as well as by other minor codices also belonging to the Bobienses. This study aims to demonstrate that neither group of manuscripts can be considered a priori the best, since the correct reading is sometimes in the former, sometimes in the latter, so that scholars have to look through and choose a case by case. Moreover, in no less than four passages (notably lines 67-70, 81-83, 135-139, 148-151), in the two families there are two different readings that seem almost equally plausibile, and both can be traced back to Ausonius. Therefore, the problem of the authorial variants, which so far has been confined to works transmitted by both manuscript families x/y and Z, must be extended to the Ordo urbium nobilium too, since this poem was edited by Ausonius more than once and through several drafting stages.
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